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ORIGINAL RESEARCHDavid Neiwert Conservatives Without ConscienceCurrent conditions in US seem to align with Robert O. Paxton's nine "mobilizing passions" of fascismReview of Conservatives Without Conscience The title of John Dean's exegesis on the conservative movement in America is obviously But the title rings another bell -- unintentionally, to be sure, but tellingly: it first brought to my mind Robert D. Hare's now-standard text on psychopaths, Without Conscience, which was first published in 1993 but remains in print. Dean's book, as it happens, makes no reference to Hare's work, but it does explore similar territory in examining the psychology not just of the movement's fear-driven followers -- people whose needs drive them to seek out authoritarian leaders -- but the conscienceless manipulators who are all too happy to lead them. Dean's real achievement in Conservatives Without Conscience lies in this dual identification -- first, of movement conservatism as a travesty of genuine conservative thought; and second, of the pathological nature of the movement, based as it is on an authoritarian, and decidedly antidemocratic, impulse latent in the American landscape. It is a recognition long overdue, both for genuine conservatives and liberals alike. Dean takes us down this path by first describing his personal experiences in the 1990s with the pathological nature of movement conservatives -- namely, the claque of ideologues, led by Watergate conspirator-turned-talk-show-host G. Gordon Liddy, who undertook concocting and promoting a bizarre conspiracy theory blaming Dean and his wife, Maureen, for secretly orchestrating the Watergate scandal. The theory was drawn out in a book by Leonard Colodny and Robert Gettlin, Silent Coup, that was eventually discredited as a factual travesty, but not before the Deans sued for libel (a suit that was eventually settled out of court). What baffled and stunned Dean was the willingness of other conservatives to countenance barefaced lies and grotesque distortions, all in the name of a larger agenda. And the harder he looked -- especially during the subsequent Clinton impeachment fiasco, followed by the power-mad Bush administration -- the more widespread he realized this had become. The "conservative movement," far from reflecting traditional conservatism, had transformed into a Machiavellian, power-hungry mob: Conservatism is not inherently moralistic, arrogant, condescending, and self-righteous. Nor is authoritarian. Yet all of these are adjectives that best describe the political outlook of contemporary conservatism. I make these observations not as an outsider, but as a conservative who is deeply troubled by what has become of a treasured philosophy. Conservatism has been co-opted by authoritarians, a most dangerous type of political animal. To make the contrast clear, Dean devotes the book's first chapter to a brief history of conservative thought, providing an oversight through the lens of parlor conservatives like Russell Kirk, William F. Buckley and James Burnham, as well as Goldwater. As he points out, conservatism is difficult to define, in no small part because of certain incoherencies -- particularly the claims to fidelity to the spirit of Constitution, which was in large part a product of liberal sensibilities. If conservatism can claim intellectual roots, they are indeed shallow. If the book has any serious weakness, it is here, since Dean, by focusing on intellectuals, tends to somewhat whitewash the actual history of conservatism in America, probably because his overview is brief. (It might also be said that he somewhat over-exalts Goldwater's legacy; as Rick Perlstein detailed in his authoritative text on the rise of the conservative movement, Before the Storm, the late senator's conscience did not preclude him from indulging the Bircherite paranoia that many of his followers harbored.) Moreover, it is difficult to consider Dean's overview complete or accurate without, for instance, discussing John C. Calhoun, the intellectual architect of the Confederacy and the Dred Scott ruling, who was the embodiment of conservative politics in the 19th century. Likewise, the long influence of figures such as Theodore K. Bilbo, Strom Thurmond and their fellow Southern segregationists in the first half of the last century, not to mention authoritarian demagogues like Joseph McCarthy, has also played a significant role in the development of modern conservatism. (Note that the latter's legacy recently was "rehabilitated" by Ann Coulter in her book Treason.) Indeed, the malignant influence of these figures in American history, and the strain of conservatism that they represent, goes a long way toward explaining the disconnect between Goldwater conservatism and the movement in its current state -- because the latter, it's fairly clear, is directly descended from this strain. So, for that matter, is the authoritarian pathology that Dean goes on to examine in some detail. Most of the rest of the book is devoted to exploring the nature of authoritarian personalities, tying theoretical aspects into real-life examples from the modern right. And it is an examination that is simultaneously on-target and enlightening. Building off the work of social scientists who have devoted years of study to these personalities -- including a specific set of tests for them -- Dean examines the symbiotic relationship between the right-wing authoritarians who constitute the footsoldiers of the conservative movement and the social-dominant personality types who lead them. The former are the voters and ordinary citizens whose submissive natures attract them to leaders who will dominate them: "High-scoring authoritarians are intolerant of criticism of their authorities, because they believe the authority is unassailably correct. Rather than feeling vulnerable in the presence of powerful authorities, they feel safer." These followers are deeply wedded to convention, and more often than not are fundamentalist and apocalyptic in their approach to religion. They also have a strong sense of their moral superiority, a trait aided by the ease with they seem to "evaporate guilt." The people who happily oblige them are described as those who have a "social dominance orientation" -- that is, they "see the world as a competitive jungle in which the fittest survive," and their lives revolve around not only surviving but also dominating. Equality, for them, is for suckers: "Dominators see themselves as realists, maintaining that 'complete equality is probably impossible; that natural forces inevitably govern the world of individuals; and that people should have to earn their place in society." From Conservatives Without Conscience book jacket: Libby, Delay, Abramoff, Cheney, Rove, Frist and Robertson Finally, there is a third type: people who combine both of these traits, or what Dean calls "double highs" (referring to their test scores). They both want to dominate and believe fervently in the need for people to submit to authority -- preferably themselves. The psychologist whose work provides most of the basis for this model, Dr. Robert Altemeyer of the University of Manitoba, calls them "scary." The conservative movement, as Dean explains, attracts more than its share of all these personalities, and he can point to abundant examples everywhere. The armies of the religious right, for instance, provide us with a broad and vivid living example of fundamentalist authoritarians coalescing to bring about their own peculiar vision of religious authoritarianism, driving inexorably toward a "Christian" theocratic government. Likewise, leading figures in the movement, from Dick Cheney to Pat Robertson, readily fit the description of the social dominators and "double highs" who play politics like a Darwinesque fight for survival, with the ends, always, justifying the means. The politics and policies engendered by this symbiosis, as Dean goes on to illustrate in thorough detail, have been nothing short of spectacularly destructive. Not only has the nation been led to war under false pretenses; not only have we fallen spectacularly in the eyes of the rest of the world by our bullying and our willingness to permit torture; not only have short-sighted economic, environmental and social policies, driven by a mad lust for power and the consolidation of wealth, worsened the quality of life for average Americans; but in the process of doing all these things, the conservative movement has created a toxic political and social environment in which dissent is treason and our fellow Americans are designated our enemies. This is not merely divisive; it is pathological. Dean relies heavily on the work of Altemeyer and his colleagues in this analysis, and for good reason: it is a useful and instructive model that goes a long way towards explaining the mess the nation currently finds itself mired in. But it is hardly the only work that has been done by social scientists, psychologists, and psychiatrists in this field, and any consideration of the problem could stand to benefit from including it. Perhaps most notably, the psychologist Erik Erikson began undertaking, shortly after the Second World War, the work of examining the psychology of totalitarianism as part of his general theory of the development of the personality, which he divided into eight stages. Erikson found that personalities that were stunted at key stages of development were prone to certain maladjustments; and that those who suffered "identity confusion" in their adolescent and early adult stages were especially prone to what he called "totalism," or an avid willingness to participate in a totalitarian society. The similarities to Altemeyer's analysis of authoritarianism are fairly clear. (Erikson's work in this regard was later refined by such psychologists as Robert Jay Lifton, Dick Anthony and Thomas Robbins, who largely applied it to cult and brainwashing phenomena, though it also extended into their studies of the "exemplary dualism" that lends itself to extremist political beliefs.) Similarly, there is a fairly rich vein of material regarding those leading personalities -- especially the "double highs" and others who exhibit a striking lack of conscience in their interpersonal as well as political dealings -- that can be found in everyday psychological analysis, especially in the area of personality disorders such as psychopathology, as in Hare's text. The American Psychiatric Association's Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders' description of antisocial and narcissistic personality disorders, for example, provides a diagnostic context for the very behaviors that Dean describes among so many of the "social dominants" and "double highs." Antisocials, for instance, "show little remorse for the consequences of their acts.... They may be indifferent to, or provide a superficial rationalization for, having hurt, mistreated, or stolen from someone (e.g., 'life's unfair,' 'losers deserve to lose,' or 'he had it coming anyway')... They may believe that everyone is out to 'help number one' and that one should stop at nothing to avoid being pushed around." However, all these social sciences and their insights have certain limitations as well. Most of the testing upon which these models are built was not designed to differentiate people by their politics, and it can be dangerous -- especially for amateurs -- to leap to too broad of conclusions, especially political ones, about our fellow citizens from them. What studying them tends to suggest, instead, is a deeper understanding of the kinds of motivations and personalities that we encounter in the course of dealing with the political realm; that is, they should give us a healthier understanding of the very human nature that often lies behind public policy. For all this insight, though, we are left with a larger conundrum: Where do we go from here? Conservatives Without Conscience drills so deeply into the personal realm that, by the time we reach the end, it becomes hard to raise our eyes up to see the larger political picture that emerges. Dean briefly touches on this when, late in the book, he describes how his studies of authoritarianism led him to also study fascism. This step was perfectly logical, since the personal and social pathologies that he finds in the conservative movement also take a political form, and fascism is the consummate right-wing political pathology of the modern era. He describes studying Robert O. Paxton's landmark text, The Anatomy of Fascism, yet at the end he backs away: Are we on the road to fascism? Clearly we are not on that road yet. But it would not take much more misguided authoritarian leadership, or thoughtless following of such leaders, to find ourselves there. Yet in examining Paxton's book, it is difficult -- especially in combination with the remarkable weight of the evidence and analysis that Dean provides -- not to conclude differently. Paxton explains that, as with personal pathologies, fascism consists not of a single core belief or trait but of a constellation of them, and that real fascism emerges when they coalesce. He provides a list of nine "mobilizing passions" that together create this constellation:
Conservatives Without Conscience tends to demonstrate, actually, that we are indeed well on the road to fitting that description thoroughly. Dean's hesitation may well be due to the reality that the description does not fit completely (the conservative movement, beyond its war making, is not particularly violent yet, for instance, though violent rhetoric is becoming increasingly popular in its ranks), but it is hard not to see that the differences are dwindling daily. A rigorous analysis can just as readily conclude that the movement is not yet fascist, but it is -- more through the impetus of the psychological forces into which it is tapping than through any design, and certainly not any conspiracy -- certainly creating the conditions for an outbreak of it. It may take another generation, but it is clear that movement conservatives are engendering a mass mindset that bears all the traits of a genuine American form of fascism. Such hesitations notwithstanding, though, Conservatives Without Conscience is unquestionably an important book, and may someday take its place as a landmark work in its own right. That is because, regardless of how far we may draw our conclusions, Dean has taken the public discourse in the right direction: assessing the real nature of this yawning maw of insatiable power that conservatism has made itself, and providing us with the tools needed to grapple with it. For that, he deserves not just our readership but also our deep appreciation. Just as he was 30 years ago in stripping away for public view the machinations of the Nixon administration, John Dean once again has provided the American public with an invaluable service at a time when it desperately needs it. sign in, or register to email stories or comment on them.
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MORE ORIGINAL RESEARCHBill Berkowitz PERC receives Templeton Freedom Award for promoting 'enviropreneurs'Right Wing foundation-funded anti-environmental think tank grabbing a wider audience for 'free market environmentalism' On the 15th anniversary of Terry Anderson and Donald Leal's book "Free Market Environmentalism" -- the seminal book on the subject -- Anderson, the Executive Director of the Bozeman, Montana-based Property and Environment Research Center (PERC - formerly known as the Political Economy Research Center) spoke in late-January at an event sponsored by Squaw Valley Institute at the Resort at Squaw Creek in California. While it may have been just another opportunity to speak on "free market environmentalism" and not the kickoff of a "victory tour," nevertheless it comes at a time when PERC's ideas are taking root.
Bill Berkowitz Neil Bush of Saudi ArabiaDuring recent visit, President’s brother describes the country as a 'kind of tribal democracy' In late February, only a few days after Saudi Arabia beheaded four Sri Lankan robbers and then left their headless bodies on public display in the capital of Riyadh, Neil Bush, for the fourth time in the past six years, showed up for the country's Jeddah Economic Forum. The Guardian reported that Human Rights Watch "said the four men had no lawyers during their trial and sentencing, and were denied other basic legal rights." In an interview with Arab News, the Saudi English language paper, Bush described the country as "a kind of tribal democracy."
Bill Berkowitz Newt Gingrich's back door to the White HouseAmerican Enterprise Institute "Scholar" and former House Speaker blames media for poll showing 64 percent of the American people wouldn't vote for him under any circumstances Whatever it is that former House Speaker Newt Gingrich has come to represent in American politics, the guy is nothing less than fascinating. One day he's espousing populist rhetoric about the need to cut the costs of college tuition and the next day he's talking World War III. One day he's claiming that the "war on terror" may force the abridgement of fundamental first amendment rights and the next he's advancing a twenty-first century version of his Contract with America. At the same time he's publicly proclaiming how "stupid" it is that the race for the presidency has already started you know that he's trying to figure out how to out finesse Rudy, McCain and Romney for the nomination. And last week, when Fox News' Chris Wallace cited a poll showing that 64 percent of the public would never vote for him, he was quick to blame those results on how unfairly he was treated by the mainstream media back in the day.
Bill Berkowitz American Enterprise Institute takes lead in agitating against IranDespite wrongheaded predictions about the war on Iraq, neocons are on the frontlines advocating military conflict with Iran After doing such a bang up job with their advice and predictions about the outcome of the war on Iraq, would it surprise you to learn that America's neoconservatives are still in business? While at this time we are not yet seeing the same intense neocon invasion of our living rooms -- via cable television's news networks -- that we saw during the run-up to the invasion of Iraq, nevertheless, a host of policy analysts at conservative think tanks -- most notably the American Enterprise Institute -- are being heeded on Iran by those who count - folks inside the Bush Administration.
Bill Berkowitz After six years, opposition gaining on George W. Bush's Faith Based InitiativeUnmentioned in the president's State of the Union speech, the program nevertheless continues to recruit religious participants and hand out taxpayer money to religious groups With several domestic policy proposals unceremoniously folded into President Bush's recent State of the Union address, two pretty significant items failed to make the cut. Despite the president's egregiously tardy response to the event itself, it was nevertheless surprising that he didn't even mention Hurricane Katrina: He didn't offer up a progress report, words of hope to the victims, or come up with a proposal for moving the sluggish rebuilding effort forward. There were no "armies of compassion" ready to be unleashed, although it should be said that many in the religious community responded to the disaster much quicker than the Bush Administration. In the State of the Union address, however, there was no "compassionate conservatism" for the victims of Hurricane Katrina.
Bill Berkowitz Frank Luntz calls Republican leadership in Washington 'One giant whining windbag'On the outs with the GOP, legendary degrader of discourse is moving to California He doesn't make great art; nothing he does elevates the human spirit; he doesn't illuminate, he bamboozles. He has become expert in subterfuge, hidden meanings, word play and manipulation. Frank Luntz has been so good at what he does that those paying close attention gave it its own name: "Luntzspeak."
Bill Berkowitz Spooked by MoveOn.org, conservative movement seeks to emulate liberal powerhouseFueled with Silicon Valley money, TheVanguard.org will have Richard Poe, former editor of David Horowitz's FrontPage magazine as its editorial and creative director As Paul Weyrich, a founding father of the modern conservative movement and still a prominent actor in it, likes to say, he learned a great deal about movement building by closely observing what liberals were up to in the late 1960s and early 1970s.
Bill Berkowitz Ward Connerly's anti-affirmative action jihadFounder and Chair of the American Civil Rights Institute scouting five to nine states for new anti-affirmative action initiatives Fresh from his most recent victory -- in Michigan this past November -- Ward Connerly, the Black California-based maven of anti-affirmative action initiatives, appears to be preparing to take his jihad on the road. According to a mid-December report in the San Francisco Chronicle, Connerly said that he was "exploring moves into nine other states."
Bill Berkowitz Tom Tancredo's missionThe Republican congressman from Colorado will try to woo GOP voters with anti-immigration rhetoric and a boatload of Christian right politics These days, probably the most recognizable name in anti-immigration politics is Colorado Republican Congressman Tom Tancredo. Over the past year, Tancredo has gone from a little known congressman to a highly visible anti-immigration spokesperson. "Tancredo has thoroughly enmeshed himself in the anti-immigration movement and with the help of CNN talk show host Lou Dobbs, he has been given a national megaphone," Devin Burghart, the program director of the Building Democracy Initiative at the Center for New Community, a Chicago-based civil rights group, told Media Transparency.
Bill Berkowitz Institute on Religion and Democracy slams 'Leftist' National Council of ChurchesNew report from conservative foundation-funded IRD charges the NCC with being a political surrogate for MoveOn.org, People for the American Way and other liberal organizations If you prefer your religious battles sprinkled with demagoguery, sanctimoniousness, and simplistic attacks, the Institute on Religion and Democracy's (IRD) latest broadside against the National Council of Churches (NCC) certainly fits the bill.
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Rush, Newspeak and Fascism: An exegesis
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